Delhi and Kabul have failed to translate their enormous mutual trust into an effective strategic partnership.

This past month has been an eventful one in Indian politics. The decisive victory of the populist Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in the Delhi Assembly elections against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has led some Indian observers to question the patience of the Indian electorate with the pace of economic and anticorruption reforms. Meanwhile, in Indian-controlled Kashmir, an unlikely coalition government has emerged between the majority-Muslim People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the Hindu-nationalist BJP. Some are hopeful that this partnership may provide a foundation for talks on the status of the disputed territory, but several early hiccups—including the release of Kashmiri separatist Masarat Alam by PDP leaders (reportedly without the BJP’s consent)—may be signs of trouble.

This past month has been an eventful one in Indian politics. The decisive victory of the populist Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in the Delhi Assembly elections against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has led some Indian observers to question the patience of the Indian electorate with the pace of economic and anticorruption reforms. Meanwhile, in Indian-controlled Kashmir, an unlikely coalition government has emerged between the majority-Muslim People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the Hindu-nationalist BJP. Some are hopeful that this partnership may provide a foundation for talks on the status of the disputed territory, but several early hiccups—including the release of Kashmiri separatist Masarat Alam by PDP leaders (reportedly without the BJP’s consent)—may be signs of trouble.

“Our defence cooperation with Vietnam is among our most important ones. India remains committed to the modernization of Vietnam’s defence and security forces.” ---PM Narendra Modi, October 2014

“Our defence cooperation with Vietnam is among our most important ones. India remains committed to the modernization of Vietnam’s defence and security forces.” ---PM Narendra Modi, October 2014

Concluding thought that one wishes to emphasise is that if India wishes to retain the Indian Ocean as “Indian” then it must shed its erstwhile delusional “Strategic-Non Alignment” fixations and reach out actively for and reactivate the “US-Japan-India-Australia Quadrilateral” so that the Navies of these four nations pursue an integrated naval strategy for maintenance of Indian Ocean security and stability.

The three countries held their first ever trilateral dialogue this week. What are the prospects for cooperation?

TPP is a trade agreement with 12 Pacific Rim countries that has been signed on 5 October 2015 in secrecy after 5 years marathon negotiations but still subject to ratification by the member states.

How well do theories of economic interdependence and structural realism explain the India-China divergence between growing economic relations and continuing strategic mistrust? This article looks at the Indian side and argues that we need to go beyond economic and strategic factors, and brings in a more contingent approach based on domestic elite discourse and thinking. The article suggests that a more nuanced and complex debate on China is emerging in India than that posited by interdependence or realism, a debate that is framed by what I term nationalist, realist and globalist schools of thought, with the latter two groups currently holding the center of gravity.